Lott's bigotry and Conservatives' selective memory

By JACK E. WHITE

Special to USAfrica The Newspaper, Houston
The Black Business Journal and USAfricaonline.com

Saturday December 14, 2002: As a certified member of the liberal media cabal - at least in the eyes of the right wing Media Research Center - I got a kick out of watching conservative commentators and leading Republicans rake Mississippi's Republican Senator Trent Lott over the coals for his bigoted utterances and racist connections. But no matter how entertaining the conservatives' brief descent into political correctness may have been, it struck me as a joke.

I won't take the wingers' fulminations about their commitment to racial equity seriously until they also acknowledge that the GOP's wrongheadness about race goes way beyond Lott and infects their entire party. Many Republican leaders remain in a massive state of denial about their party's four-decade-long addiction to race baiting. There's little point in bashing Lott for pandering to White fears about Blacks if you give Ronald Reagan a pass for the same crime.

The same could be said, of course, about such Republican heroes as, Barry Goldwater, Richard Nixon, or George Wallace's racist campaign playbook, or George Bush the elder, all of whom used coded racial messages to lure disaffected blue collar and Southern White voters away from the Democrats. Yet it's with Reagan, who set a standard for exploiting White anger and resentment rarely seen since George Wallace stood in the schoolhouse door, that the Republican's selective memory about its race-baiting habit really stands out.

Space doesn't permit a complete list of the Gipper's signals to angry White folks that Republicans prefer to ignore, so two incidents in which Lott was deeply involved will have to suffice. As a young congressman, Lott was among those who urged Reagan to deliver his first major campaign speech in Philadelphia, Mississippi, where three civil rights workers were murdered in one of the 1960s' ugliest cases of racist violence.

It was a ringing declaration of his support for "states rights" - a code word for resistance to Black advances clearly understood by White southern voters.

Then there was Reagan's attempt, once he reached the White House in 1981, to reverse a long-standing policy of denying tax-exempt status to private schools that practice racial discrimination and grant an exemption to Bob Jones University (BJU). Lott's conservative critics, quite rightly, made a big fuss about his filing of a brief arguing that BJU should get the exemption despite its racist ban on interracial dating.

But true to their pattern of White-washing Reagan's record on race not one of Lott' s conservative critics said a mumblin' word about the Gipper's deep personal involvement. They don't care to recall that when Lott suggested that Reagan's regime take BJU's side in a lawsuit against the Internal Revenue Service, Reagan responded, "We ought to do it." Two years later the U.S. Supreme Court in a resounding 8-to-1 decision ruled that Reagan was dead wrong and reinstated the IRS's power to deny BJU's exemption.

Republican leaders and their apologists tend to go into a frenzy of denial when members of the liberal media cabal bring up these inconvenient facts. It's that lack of candor, of course, that presents the biggest obstacle to George W. Bush's long overdue campaign persuade more more African Americans to defect from the Democrats to the Republicans. It's doomed to fail until the GOP fesses up its past addiction to race baiting, starting with Reagan's squalid history, and makes a sincere attempt to kick the habit.

*****

Jack E. White, a columnist for Time magazine, is a Washington DC-based contributing editor of USAfricaonline.com and The Black Business Journal. One of his quests regarding press freedom and free speech was the focus of a 1999 essay by USAfricaonline.com Founder Chido Nwangwu, titled: "Press Freedom, Jack E. White of Time magazine versus David Horowitz's anti-First Amendment and right-wing zealotry."